Mayfest 2024
The science of linguistic diversity.
Research at our top-ranked department spans syntax, semantics, phonology, language acquisition, computational linguistics, psycholinguistics and neurolinguistics.
Connections between our core competencies are strong, with theoretical, experimental and computational work typically pursued in tandem.
A network of collaboration at all levels sustains a research climate that is both vigorous and friendly. Here new ideas develop in conversation, stimulated by the steady activity of our labs and research groups, frequent student meetings with faculty, regular talks by local and invited scholars and collaborations with the broader University of Maryland language science community, the largest and most integrated language science research community in North America.
The meaning of ‘most’ can be described in many ways. We offer a framework for distinguishing semantic descriptions, interpreted as psychological hypotheses that go beyond claims about sentential truth conditions, and an experiment that tells against an attractive idea: ‘most’ is understood in terms of one-to-one correspondence. Adults evaluated ‘Most of the dots are yellow’, as true or false, on many trials in which yellow dots and blue dots were displayed for 200ms. Displays manipulated the ease of using a “one-to-one with remainder” strategy, and a strategy of using the Approximate Number System to compare of (approximations of) cardinalities. Interpreting such data requires care, in thinking about how meaning is related to verification. But the results suggest that ‘most’ is understood in terms of cardinality comparison, even when counting is impossible.
Measuring event-related potentials (ERPs) has been fundamental to our understanding of how language is encoded in the brain. One particular ERP response, the N400 response, has been especially influential as an index of lexical and semantic processing. However, there remains a lack of consensus on the interpretation of this component. Resolving this issue has important consequences for neural models of language comprehension. Here we show that evidence bearing on where the N400 response is generated provides key insights into what it reflects. A neuroanatomical model of semantic processing is used as a guide to interpret the pattern of activated regions in functional MRI, magnetoencephalography and intracranial recordings that are associated with contextual semantic manipulations that lead to N400 effects.
This dissertation is concerned with whether the sentence processor can compute plausible relations among a cluster of neighboring open class words without taking into account the relationships between these words as dictated by the structure of the sentence. It has been widely assumed that compositional semantics is built on top of syntactic structures (Heim & Kratzer, 1998; Pollard & Sag, 1994). This view has been challenged by recent electrophysiological findings (Kim and Osterhout, 2005; Kuperberg, 2007; van Herten et al., 2005, 2006) that appear to show that semantic composition can proceed independently of syntactic structure. This dissertation investigates whether the evidence for independent semantic composition is as strong and widespread as has been previously claimed. Recent studies have shown that sentences containing a semantically anomalous interpretation but an unambiguous, grammatical structure (e.g., The meal was devouring) elicit a P600 response, the component classically elicited by syntactic anomalies, rather than an N400, the component typically elicited by semantic anomalies (Kim and Osterhout, 2005). This has been interpreted as evidence that the processor analyzed meal as a good theme for devour, even though this interpretation is not supported by the sentential structure. This led to the claim that semantic composition can proceed independently of syntactic structure. Two event-related potentials (ERP) studies investigated whether the processor exploits prior structural biases and commitments to restrict semantic interpretations to those that are compatible with that expected structure. A further ERP study and a review of relevant studies reveal that in the majority of studies the P600 is not modulated by manipulations of thematic fit or semantic association between the open class words. We argue that a large number of studies that have been taken as evidence for an independent semantic processing stream can be explained as violations of the verb's requirement that its subject be agentive. A small number of studies in verb-final languages cannot be explained in this way, and may be evidence of independent semantic composition, although further experimental work is needed. We conclude that the evidence for independent semantic composition is not as extensive as was previously thought.
This dissertation discusses how pragmatic factors contribute to children's behavior in interpreting scopally ambiguous forms. In particular, we look at children's interpretation of negated sentences involving disjunction in the object (NegDisjunction). Languages like English and Chinese allow scope interaction between negation and disjunction of this kind of strings and thus two corresponding interpretations: the narrow scope disjunction interpretation (the NSD, meaning "neither"), thus the wide scope disjunction interpretation (the WSD, meaning "not this or not that"); but languages like Japanese only allow the WSD. Previous studies found out that children of different languages accessed the NSD instead of the WSD given "not this or not that" scenarios (e.g., Crain, Gualmini & Meroni 2000; Goro & Akiba 2004a; Jing, Crain & Hsu 2005) and concluded that preschool children systematically lack the WSD in their grammar. However, given the fact that the WSD is pragmatically more complex than the NSD, and the well documented observations that children's immature capacity in pragmatic computation sometimes masks their linguistic competence (e.g., Gualmini 2004; Musolino & Lidz 2006), the findings in previous studies could reveal children's strong preference toward the NSD rather than their lack of the WSD. Four main experiments, which aim to test the hypothesis that children's grammar can generate the WSD and that children can access this interpretation when the relevant pragmatic computation is facilitated, are reported in this dissertation. During various experimental manipulations designed to facilitate children's pragmatic computation, we observed that children accessed the normally dispreferred WSD more often, when the "not this or not that" meaning was made more directly relevant in the context, when explicit disambiguating information was present in the discourse, after they were trained to be more sensitive to the "not this or not that" aspect of the context, and after they immediately experienced the use of certain alternative form (NegConjunction) to express the "neither" meaning (corresponding to the NSD of NegDisjunction). The findings in these experiments reveal children's hidden grammatical knowledge of the WSD and highlight the role of pragmatic computation in the acquisition of meaning.
This dissertation is concerned with the problem of how structured linguistic representations interact with the architecture of human memory. Much recent work has attempted to unify real-time linguistic memory with a general content-addressable architecture (Lewis & Vasishth, 2005; McElree, 2006). Because grammatical principles and constraints are strongly relational in nature, and linguistic representation hierarchical, this kind of architecture is not well suited to restricting the search of memory to grammatically-licensed constituents alone. This dissertation investigates under what conditions real-time language comprehension is grammatically accurate. Two kinds of grammatical dependencies were examined in reading time and speeded grammaticality experiments: subject-verb agreement licensing in agreement attraction configurations ("The runners who the driver wave to ..."; Kimball & Aissen, 1971, Bock & Miller, 1991), and active completion of wh-dependencies. We develop a simple formal model of agreement attraction in an associative memory that makes accurate predictions across different structures. We conclude that dependencies that can only be licensed exclusively retrospectively, by searching the memory to generate candidate analyses, are the most prone to grammatical infidelity. The exception may be retrospective searches with especially strong contextual restrictions, as in reflexive anaphora. However dependencies that can be licensed principally by a prospective search, like wh-dependencies or backwards anaphora, are highly grammatically accurate.