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Dorothy Ahn / Semantic building blocks of reference

Close photo of a young woman, Dorothy Ahn, Assistant Professor of Linguistics at Rutgers University.

Dorothy Ahn / Semantic building blocks of reference

Linguistics | Maryland Language Science Center Friday, October 25, 2024 3:00 pm - 4:30 pm

Friday October 25, Dorothy Ahn of Rutgers University joins us for our colloquium to talk about her work on the semantics of reference, with a talk limning the "Semantic building blocks of reference."

Reference in language generally involves two main conceptual elements: the grammatical description and the linker between that form and the intended referent. Sometimes, this linker is overtly given by gestural or linguistic content. At other times, the intended referent can be so salient that neither element is necessary. This talk focuses on definite expressions in the nominal domain that make use of these elements in different combinations. Based on their distribution, I argue that the semantic space of definiteness should be divided along two dimensions, namely the content of the description and the presence of the linker, updating the traditionally three-way distinction between pronouns, definite descriptions, and demonstratives. This division is assumed to be universal, though languages morphosyntactically realize the space in different ways. I explore how this view accounts for the various ways ‘definiteness’ is marked across languages.

Add to Calendar 10/25/24 15:00:00 10/25/24 16:30:00 America/New_York Dorothy Ahn / Semantic building blocks of reference

Friday October 25, Dorothy Ahn of Rutgers University joins us for our colloquium to talk about her work on the semantics of reference, with a talk limning the "Semantic building blocks of reference."

Reference in language generally involves two main conceptual elements: the grammatical description and the linker between that form and the intended referent. Sometimes, this linker is overtly given by gestural or linguistic content. At other times, the intended referent can be so salient that neither element is necessary. This talk focuses on definite expressions in the nominal domain that make use of these elements in different combinations. Based on their distribution, I argue that the semantic space of definiteness should be divided along two dimensions, namely the content of the description and the presence of the linker, updating the traditionally three-way distinction between pronouns, definite descriptions, and demonstratives. This division is assumed to be universal, though languages morphosyntactically realize the space in different ways. I explore how this view accounts for the various ways ‘definiteness’ is marked across languages.

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