Skip to main content
Skip to main content

Meaning Meeting - Yunhui Bai

A young man in glasses, standing on a Californian beach: it's Philosophy PhD student, Yunhui Bai!

Meaning Meeting - Yunhui Bai

Linguistics | Philosophy Wednesday, August 28, 2024 9:30 am - 10:45 am Marie Mount Hall, 1108B

Wednesday August 28, the Meaning Meeting goes back to the future, with a presentation from Yunhui Bai on "will", arguing that "John will join" does not entail that there is a joining by John, on the basis of the presupposition of saying "John will no longer join." The abstract follows. But you will join us on Wednesday to find out more!


Matrix English will-sentences appear to assert (in part) that the prejacent of will is true of the actual world. This is often attributed to the veridicality of will itself. Using sentences like John will no longer join the department/John won't join the department anymore, I argue that will is not veridical. On a veridical account, unattested presupposition that John will join the department is predicted, given a natural account of no longer/not...anymore. I then suggest a uniform way that derives the correct meaning of the data and that also preserves the observed veridicality of matrix will-sentences via exhaustification.

Add to Calendar 08/28/24 09:30:00 08/28/24 10:45:00 America/New_York Meaning Meeting - Yunhui Bai

Wednesday August 28, the Meaning Meeting goes back to the future, with a presentation from Yunhui Bai on "will", arguing that "John will join" does not entail that there is a joining by John, on the basis of the presupposition of saying "John will no longer join." The abstract follows. But you will join us on Wednesday to find out more!


Matrix English will-sentences appear to assert (in part) that the prejacent of will is true of the actual world. This is often attributed to the veridicality of will itself. Using sentences like John will no longer join the department/John won't join the department anymore, I argue that will is not veridical. On a veridical account, unattested presupposition that John will join the department is predicted, given a natural account of no longer/not...anymore. I then suggest a uniform way that derives the correct meaning of the data and that also preserves the observed veridicality of matrix will-sentences via exhaustification.

Marie Mount Hall false