Aaron at CLS
April 30, 2021 Linguistics
Which all facts about "alles"-stranding in German have a syntactic explanation?
May 6-7, Aaron Doliana is virtually at the annual meeting of the Chicago Linguistic Society, presenting a talk that ask "Why must wh-quantifiers in German strand with complex wh-phrases?"
This talk establishes an empirical generalization about the German particle known as “invariant alles”. While alles can surface in one constituent with, or be stranded off of, its associated wh-phrase when it is simplex, alles must be stranded when its associate is a complex wh-phrase. It is shown that this complexity restriction is syntactic, and argued that, as a result, a prominent analysis of stranding is incompatible with alles.