Skip to main content
Skip to main content

Aaron at CLS

April 30, 2021 Linguistics

PhD students Sigwan Thivierge and Aaron Dolina, sitting outside on a bright but cool Spring day, wearing light jackets and drinking iced coffees

Which all facts about "alles"-stranding in German have a syntactic explanation?

May 6-7, Aaron Doliana is virtually at the annual meeting of the Chicago Linguistic Society, presenting a talk that ask "Why must wh-quantifiers in German strand with complex wh-phrases?"


This talk establishes an empirical generalization about the German particle known as “invariant alles”. While alles can surface in one constituent with, or be stranded off of, its associated wh-phrase when it is simplex, alles must be stranded when its associate is a complex wh-phrase. It is shown that this complexity restriction is syntactic, and argued that, as a result, a prominent analysis of stranding is incompatible with alles.