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Research

Research at our top-ranked department spans syntax, semantics, phonology, language acquisition, computational linguistics, psycholinguistics and neurolinguistics. 

Connections between our core competencies are strong, with theoretical, experimental and computational work typically pursued in tandem.

A network of collaboration at all levels sustains a research climate that is both vigorous and friendly. Here new ideas develop in conversation, stimulated by the steady activity of our labs and research groups, frequent student meetings with faculty, regular talks by local and invited scholars and collaborations with the broader University of Maryland language science community, the largest and most integrated language science research community in North America.

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A Theory of Syntax: Minimal Operations and Universal Grammar

Norbert Hornstein offers a theory of the basic grammatical operations (Concatenate, Copy, Label), and suggests that just one (Label) is distinctive to language, narrowing the evolutionary gap between verbal and non-verbal primates.

Linguistics

Contributor(s): Norbert Hornstein
Dates:
Publisher: Cambridge University Press

Norbert Hornstein offers a theory of the basic grammatical operations (Concatenate, Copy, Label), and suggests that just one (Label) is distinctive to language, narrowing the evolutionary gap between verbal and non-verbal primates.

The influence of categories on perception: Explaining the perceptual magnet effect as optimal statistical inference

Naomi Feldman develops a Bayesian account of the perceptual magnet effect.

Linguistics

Contributor(s): Naomi Feldman
Non-ARHU Contributor(s):

Thomas Griffiths, James Morgan

Dates:

A variety of studies have demonstrated that organizing stimuli into categories can affect the way the stimuli are perceived. We explore the influence of categories on perception through one such phenomenon, the perceptual magnet effect, in which discriminability between vowels is reduced near prototypical vowel sounds. We present a Bayesian model to explain why this reduced discriminability might occur: It arises as a consequence of optimally solving the statistical problem of perception in noise. In the optimal solution to this problem, listeners’ perception is biased toward phonetic category means because they use knowledge of these categories to guide their inferences about speakers’ target productions. Simulations show that model predictions closely correspond to previously published human data, and novel experimental results provide evidence for the predicted link between perceptual warping and noise. The model unifies several previous accounts of the perceptual magnet effect and provides a framework for exploring categorical effects in other domains.

Form, meaning and context in lexical access: MEG and behavioral evidence

MEG experiments suggest that lexical access occurs already at 200 ms, at least in reading, and that N400 responses in ERP reflect predictive processing that integrates linguistic and nonlinguistic information after lexical access.

Linguistics

Non-ARHU Contributor(s):

Diogo Almeida

Dates:

One of the main challenges in the study of cognition is how to connect brain activity to cognitive processes. In the domain of language, this requires coordination between two different lines of research: theoretical models of linguistic knowledge and language processing on the one side and brain sciences on the other. The work reported in this dissertation attempts to link these two lines of research by focusing on one particular aspect of linguistic processing, namely lexical access. The rationale for this focus is that access to the lexicon is a mandatory step in any theory of linguistic computation, and therefore findings about lexical access procedures have consequences for language processing models in general. Moreover, in the domain of brain electrophysiology, past research on event-related brain potentials (ERPs) - electrophysiological responses taken to reflect processing of certain specific kinds of stimuli or specific cognitive processes - has uncovered different ERPs that have been connected to linguistic stimuli and processes. One particular ERP, peaking at around 400 ms post-stimulus onset (N400) has been linked to lexico-semantic processing, but its precise functional interpretation remains controversial: The N400 has been proposed to reflect lexical access procedures as well as higher order semantic/pragmatic processing. In a series of three MEG experiments, we show that access to the lexicon from print occurs much earlier than previously thought, at around 200 ms, but more research is needed before the same conclusion can be reached about lexical access based on auditory or sign language input. The cognitive activity indexed by the N400 and its MEG analogue is argued to constitute predictive processing that integrates information from linguistic and non-linguistic sources at a later, post-lexical stage.

Island repair and non-repair by PF strategies

An exploration of several cases, in English and Japanese, where ellipsis or resumption obviate violation of a syntactic Island.

Linguistics

Non-ARHU Contributor(s):

Chizuru Nakao

Dates:

Since Ross (1967), it has been observed that there are configurations from which otherwise unbounded movement operations cannot occur, and they are called islands. Ellipsis and resumption are known to have a peculiar property to 'repair' island violations. Each chapter of this thesis discusses a case of ellipsis/resumption to examine in what cases movement out of an island becomes licit by those strategies. Chapter 2 discusses the elliptical construction called sluicing, and argues for the PF-deletion analysis of sluicing (Merchant 2001, originated from Ross 1969). I will show that ECP violations made by adjunct sluicing cannot be repaired by sluicing, unlike island violations. I will thus argue that island violations are PF-violations while ECP violations are LF violations, and that PF-deletion ameliorates only PF-deletion. Chapter 3 examines properties of stripping and argues that stripping is derived by focus movement followed by PF-deletion. I try to attribute the lack of island repair under ellipsis in stripping to the fact that focus movement is not usually overt in English. Covert movement is derived by a weak feature (Chomsky 1995), but when a focused material is included in the PF-deletion site, it undergoes last resort PF-movement to satisfy the recoverability of deletion. I claim that this PF-movement is incompatible with island-repair, speculating that island violations are ameliorated at spell-out, and post-spell-out movement is 'too late' to be repaired. Chapter 4 reviews properties of Japanese sluicing, and introduces Hiraiwa and Ishihara's (2002) analysis where Japanese sluicing is derived from what they call "no da" in-situ focus construction. Under this analysis, the sluiced wh-phrase undergoes focus movement, followed by clausal deletion. I adopt the analysis of stripping to Japanese sluicing, claiming that this is another instance of the last resort focus movement at PF, which cannot ameliorate island violations. Chapter 5 discusses properties of Left Node Raising (LNR) in Japanese. Based on the fact that simple LNR shows properties distinct from Null Object Construction (NOC), I claim that LNR involves ATB-movement rather than NOC. However, the second gap of LNR behaves like a pronoun only when included inside an island. I claim that this is an instance of null resumptive pronoun.

Agreement attraction in comprehension: Representations and process

A suite of studies suggesting that agreement attraction in comprehension, where incorrect agreement on the verb seems acceptable, reflects an error not in encoding the noun phrase, but rather in the process of its cue-based retrieval from memory.

Linguistics

Non-ARHU Contributor(s):

Matthew Wagers

Dates:

Much work has demonstrated so-called attraction errors in the production of subject–verb agreement (e.g., ‘The key to the cabinets are on the table’, [Bock, J. K., & Miller, C. A. (1991). Broken agreement. Cognitive Psychology, 23, 45–93]), in which a verb erroneously agrees with an intervening noun. Six self-paced reading experiments examined the online mechanisms underlying the analogous attraction effects that have been shown in comprehension; namely reduced disruption for subject–verb agreement violations when these ‘attractor’ nouns intervene. One class of theories suggests that these effects are rooted in faulty representation of the number of the subject, while another class of theories suggests instead that such effects arise in the process of re-accessing subject number at the verb. Two main findings provide evidence against the first class of theories. First, attraction also occurs in relative clause configurations in which the attractor noun does not intervene between subject and verb and is not in a direct structural relationship with the subject head (e.g., ‘The drivers who the runner wave to each morning’). Second, we observe a ‘grammatical asymmetry’: attraction effects are limited to ungrammatical sentences, which would be unexpected if the representation of subject number were inherently prone to error. We argue that agreement attraction in comprehension instead reflects a cue-based retrieval mechanism that is subject to retrieval errors. The grammatical asymmetry can be accounted for under one implementation that we propose, or if the mechanism is only called upon when the predicted agreement features fail to be instantiated on the verb.

The meaning of 'most': Semantics, numerosity, and psychology

Claims made with "most" are understood in terms of comparing cardinalities, even when counting is impossible.

Linguistics

Non-ARHU Contributor(s):

Tim Hunter, Justin Halberda

Dates:

The meaning of ‘most’ can be described in many ways. We offer a framework for distinguishing semantic descriptions, interpreted as psychological hypotheses that go beyond claims about sentential truth conditions, and an experiment that tells against an attractive idea: ‘most’ is understood in terms of one-to-one correspondence. Adults evaluated ‘Most of the dots are yellow’, as true or false, on many trials in which yellow dots and blue dots were displayed for 200ms. Displays manipulated the ease of using a “one-to-one with remainder” strategy, and a strategy of using the Approximate Number System to compare of (approximations of) cardinalities. Interpreting such data requires care, in thinking about how meaning is related to verification. But the results suggest that ‘most’ is understood in terms of cardinality comparison, even when counting is impossible.

A cortical network for semantics: (de)constructing the N400

The right interpretation of the N400 response in measurements of event-related potentials (ERP) is controversial. But key insights come from new evidence of where the response is neurally generated.

Linguistics

Non-ARHU Contributor(s):

David Poeppel

Dates:

Measuring event-related potentials (ERPs) has been fundamental to our understanding of how language is encoded in the brain. One particular ERP response, the N400 response, has been especially influential as an index of lexical and semantic processing. However, there remains a lack of consensus on the interpretation of this component. Resolving this issue has important consequences for neural models of language comprehension. Here we show that evidence bearing on where the N400 response is generated provides key insights into what it reflects. A neuroanatomical model of semantic processing is used as a guide to interpret the pattern of activated regions in functional MRI, magnetoencephalography and intracranial recordings that are associated with contextual semantic manipulations that lead to N400 effects.

Structural and semantic selectivity in the electrophysiology of sentence comprehension

New ERP studies recast past arguments for a stream of semantic processing that is independent of syntax: mostly these are based on data that can instead explained as violations of a verb's requirement for an agentive subject.

Linguistics

Non-ARHU Contributor(s):

Clare Stroud

Dates:

This dissertation is concerned with whether the sentence processor can compute plausible relations among a cluster of neighboring open class words without taking into account the relationships between these words as dictated by the structure of the sentence. It has been widely assumed that compositional semantics is built on top of syntactic structures (Heim & Kratzer, 1998; Pollard & Sag, 1994). This view has been challenged by recent electrophysiological findings (Kim and Osterhout, 2005; Kuperberg, 2007; van Herten et al., 2005, 2006) that appear to show that semantic composition can proceed independently of syntactic structure. This dissertation investigates whether the evidence for independent semantic composition is as strong and widespread as has been previously claimed. Recent studies have shown that sentences containing a semantically anomalous interpretation but an unambiguous, grammatical structure (e.g., The meal was devouring) elicit a P600 response, the component classically elicited by syntactic anomalies, rather than an N400, the component typically elicited by semantic anomalies (Kim and Osterhout, 2005). This has been interpreted as evidence that the processor analyzed meal as a good theme for devour, even though this interpretation is not supported by the sentential structure. This led to the claim that semantic composition can proceed independently of syntactic structure. Two event-related potentials (ERP) studies investigated whether the processor exploits prior structural biases and commitments to restrict semantic interpretations to those that are compatible with that expected structure. A further ERP study and a review of relevant studies reveal that in the majority of studies the P600 is not modulated by manipulations of thematic fit or semantic association between the open class words. We argue that a large number of studies that have been taken as evidence for an independent semantic processing stream can be explained as violations of the verb's requirement that its subject be agentive. A small number of studies in verb-final languages cannot be explained in this way, and may be evidence of independent semantic composition, although further experimental work is needed. We conclude that the evidence for independent semantic composition is not as extensive as was previously thought.

Pragmatic computation in language acquisition: evidence from disjunction and conjunction in negative context

Children generally take disjunction to scope under negation. Chunyuan Jing argues that the preference has pragmatic and not grammatical origins.

Linguistics

Non-ARHU Contributor(s):

Chunyuan Jing

Dates:

This dissertation discusses how pragmatic factors contribute to children's behavior in interpreting scopally ambiguous forms. In particular, we look at children's interpretation of negated sentences involving disjunction in the object (NegDisjunction). Languages like English and Chinese allow scope interaction between negation and disjunction of this kind of strings and thus two corresponding interpretations: the narrow scope disjunction interpretation (the NSD, meaning "neither"), thus the wide scope disjunction interpretation (the WSD, meaning "not this or not that"); but languages like Japanese only allow the WSD. Previous studies found out that children of different languages accessed the NSD instead of the WSD given "not this or not that" scenarios (e.g., Crain, Gualmini & Meroni 2000; Goro & Akiba 2004a; Jing, Crain & Hsu 2005) and concluded that preschool children systematically lack the WSD in their grammar. However, given the fact that the WSD is pragmatically more complex than the NSD, and the well documented observations that children's immature capacity in pragmatic computation sometimes masks their linguistic competence (e.g., Gualmini 2004; Musolino & Lidz 2006), the findings in previous studies could reveal children's strong preference toward the NSD rather than their lack of the WSD. Four main experiments, which aim to test the hypothesis that children's grammar can generate the WSD and that children can access this interpretation when the relevant pragmatic computation is facilitated, are reported in this dissertation. During various experimental manipulations designed to facilitate children's pragmatic computation, we observed that children accessed the normally dispreferred WSD more often, when the "not this or not that" meaning was made more directly relevant in the context, when explicit disambiguating information was present in the discourse, after they were trained to be more sensitive to the "not this or not that" aspect of the context, and after they immediately experienced the use of certain alternative form (NegConjunction) to express the "neither" meaning (corresponding to the NSD of NegDisjunction). The findings in these experiments reveal children's hidden grammatical knowledge of the WSD and highlight the role of pragmatic computation in the acquisition of meaning.

The structure of memory meets memory for structure in linguistic cognition

A formal model of agreement attraction in an associative memory, contrasting this with more accurative processes, including interpretation of wh-phrases and reflexives.

Linguistics

Non-ARHU Contributor(s):

Matt Wagers

Dates:

This dissertation is concerned with the problem of how structured linguistic representations interact with the architecture of human memory. Much recent work has attempted to unify real-time linguistic memory with a general content-addressable architecture (Lewis & Vasishth, 2005; McElree, 2006). Because grammatical principles and constraints are strongly relational in nature, and linguistic representation hierarchical, this kind of architecture is not well suited to restricting the search of memory to grammatically-licensed constituents alone. This dissertation investigates under what conditions real-time language comprehension is grammatically accurate. Two kinds of grammatical dependencies were examined in reading time and speeded grammaticality experiments: subject-verb agreement licensing in agreement attraction configurations ("The runners who the driver wave to ..."; Kimball & Aissen, 1971, Bock & Miller, 1991), and active completion of wh-dependencies. We develop a simple formal model of agreement attraction in an associative memory that makes accurate predictions across different structures. We conclude that dependencies that can only be licensed exclusively retrospectively, by searching the memory to generate candidate analyses, are the most prone to grammatical infidelity. The exception may be retrospective searches with especially strong contextual restrictions, as in reflexive anaphora. However dependencies that can be licensed principally by a prospective search, like wh-dependencies or backwards anaphora, are highly grammatically accurate.