Mayfest 2025 - Constraints on Meaning
When and why are certain meanings missing?
Research
Research at our top-ranked department spans syntax, semantics, phonology, language acquisition, computational linguistics, psycholinguistics and neurolinguistics.
Connections between our core competencies are strong, with theoretical, experimental and computational work typically pursued in tandem.
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Featured Research News
Verb learning under guidance
How do kids leverage correlations between syntactic and semantic categories to infer the meanings of words?
Non-ARHU Contributor(s): Angela Xiaoxue He
Dates:
Any kind of uninstructed learning, faced by the challenge that any finite experience is consistent with infinitely many hypotheses, must proceed under guidance. This dissertation investigates guided vocabulary acquisition with a focus on verb learning. In particular, it examines some proposed early expectations that the young language learner may hold as guidance in learning novel verbs, and investigates the nature of these expectations from different angles. Four lines of studies are reported, each discussing a different question. Study 1 focuses on the expectation that the grammatical category verb picks out the conceptual category event – the verb-event bias, and examines the early developmental trajectory of this bias, which may shed light on its origin: whether it is specified within UG or generalized inductively from input. Study 2 further asks how specific/general the learner’s initial expectations about verb meanings are, and thus what is the expected degree of extendibility of verb meanings. Study 3 investigates the proposed expectation that the number of event participants aligns with the number of syntactic arguments – the participant-argument-match (PAM) bias, and questions the utility of this bias in face of potential mismatch cases; in particular, some plausible 3-participant events are naturally described by2-argument sentences. Study 4 looks at the proposed expectation that objects name patients (ONP) and asks a question about its exact nature in face of cross- linguistic variation – whether objects are expected to name patients of the clause’s event, or to name patients of the verb’s event, and whether it varies cross-linguistically. Together, this dissertation provides new evidence that the language learner acquires verb meanings under guidance, asks new questions about the natures of some verb-learning guides, and highlights several issues the current acquisition theory needs to address.
Comparative psychosyntax
A dissertation from Dustin Chacón on the learning and online formation of filler-gap dependencies and their syntactic constraints, with special attention to English, Japanese and Bangla.
Non-ARHU Contributor(s): Dustin Chacón
Dates:
Every difference between languages is a “choice point” for the syntactician, psycholinguist, and language learner. The syntactician must describe the differences in representations that the grammars of different languages can assign. The psycholinguist must describe how the comprehension mechanisms search the space of the representations permitted by a grammar to quickly and effortlessly understand sentences in real time. The language learner must determine which representations are permitted in her grammar on the basis of her primary linguistic evidence. These investigations are largely pursued independently, and on the basis of qualitatively different data. In this dissertation, I show that these investigations can be pursued in a way that is mutually informative. Speciffically, I show how learnability concerns and sentence processing data can constrain the space of possible analyses of language differences.
In Chapter 2, I argue that “indirect learning”, or abstract, cross-contruction syntactic inference, is necessary in order to explain how the learner determines which complementizers can co-occur with subjects gaps in her target grammar. I show that adult speakers largely converge in the robustness of the that-trace effect, a constraint on complementation complementizers and subject gaps observed in languages like English, but unobserved in languages like Spanish or Italian. I show that realistic child-directed speech has very few long-distance subject extractions in English, Spanish, and Italian, implying that learners must be able to distinguish these different hypotheses on the basis of other data. This is more consistent with more conservative approaches to these phenomena (Rizzi, 1982), which do not rely on abstract complementizer agreement like later analyses (Rizzi, 2006; Rizzi & Shlonsky, 2007).
In Chapter 3, I show that resumptive pronoun dependencies inside islands in English are constructed in a non-active fashion, which contrasts with recent findings in Hebrew (Keshev & Meltzer-Asscher, ms). I propose that an expedient explanation of these facts is to suppose that resumptive pronouns in English are ungrammatical repair devices (Sells, 1984), whereas resumptive pronouns in island contexts are grammatical in Hebrew. This implies that learners must infer which analysis is appropriate for their grammars on the basis of some evidence in linguistic environment. However, a corpus study reveals that resumptive pronouns in islands are exceedingly rare in both languages, implying that this difference must be indirectly learned. I argue that theories of resumptive dependencies which analyze resumptive pronouns as incidences of the same abstract construction (e.g., Hayon 1973; Chomsky 1977) license this indirect learning, as long as resumptive dependencies in English are treated as ungrammatical repair mechanisms.
In Chapter 4, I compare active dependency formation processes in Japanese and Bangla. These findings suggest that filler-gap dependencies are preferentially resolved with the first position available. In Japanese, this is the most deeply embedded clause, since embedded clauses always precede the embedding verb (Aoshima et al., 2004; Yoshida, 2006; Omaki et al., 2014). Bangla allows a within-language comparison of the relationship between active dependency formation processes and word order, since embedded clauses may precede or follow the embedding verb (Bayer, 1996). However, the results from three experiments in Bangla are mixed, suggesting a weaker preference for a lineary local resolution of filler-gap dependencies, unlike in Japanese. I propose a number of possible explanations for these facts, and discuss how differences in processing profiles may be accounted for in a variety of ways.
In Chapter 5, I conclude the dissertation.
A Theory of Generalized Pied Piping
A new analysis of pied-piping from Sayaka Goto, which both explains patterns of wh-agreement in Bantu, and whether or not a language displays Weak Crossover effects, without any appeal to an A/A'-distinction.
Non-ARHU Contributor(s): Sayaka Goto
Dates:
The purpose of this thesis is to construct a theory to derive how pied-piping of formal features of a moved element takes place, by which some syntactic phenomena related to φ-features can be accounted for. Ura (2001) proposes that pied-piping of formal-features of a moved element is constrained by an economy condition like relativized minimality. On the basis of Ura’s (2001) proposal, I propose that how far an element that undergoes movement can carry its formal features, especially focusing on φ-features in this thesis, is determined by two conditions, a locality condition on the generalized pied-piping and an anti-locality condition on movement. Given the proposed analysis, some patterns of so-called wh-agreement found in Bantu languages can be explained and with the assumption that φ-features play an role for binding, presence or absence of WCO effects in various languages can be derived without recourse to A/A'-distinctions.
Information and incrementality in syntactic bootstrapping
Aaron Steven White provides a computational model of syntactic bootstrapping, and uses it to investigate how much information can be gleaned from syntactic distributions about the meanings of propositional attitude verbs.
Non-ARHU Contributor(s): Aaron Steven White
Dates:
Some words are harder to learn than others. For instance, action verbs like run and hit are learned earlier than propositional attitude verbs like think and want. One reason think and want might be learned later is that, whereas we can see and hear running and hitting, we can’t see or hear thinking and wanting. Children nevertheless learn these verbs, so a route other than the senses must exist. There is mounting evidence that this route involves, in large part, inferences based on the distribution of syntactic contexts a propositional attitude verb occurs in—a process known as syntactic bootstrapping. This fact makes the domain of propositional attitude verbs a prime proving ground for models of syntactic bootstrapping.With this in mind, this dissertation has two goals: on the one hand, it aims to construct a computational model of syntactic bootstrapping; on the other, it aims to use this model to investigate the limits on the amount of information about propositional attitude verb meanings that can be gleaned from syntactic distributions. I show throughout the dissertation that these goals are mutually supportive.
In Chapter 1, I set out the main problems that drive the investigation. In Chapters 2 and 3, I use both psycholinguistic experiments and computational modeling to establish that there is a significant amount of semantic information carried in both participants’ syntactic acceptability judgments and syntactic distributions in corpora. To investigate the nature of this relationship I develop two computational models: (i) a nonnegative model of (semantic-to-syntactic) projection and (ii) a nonnegative model of syntactic bootstrapping. In Chapter 4, I use a novel variant of the Human Simulation Paradigm to show that the information carried in syntactic distribution is actually utilized by (simulated) learners. In Chapter 5, I present a proposal for how to solve a standing problem in how syntactic bootstrapping accounts for certain kinds of cross-linguistic variation. And in Chapter 6, I conclude with some future directions for this work.
Why discourse affects speakers' choice of referring expressions
A probalistic model of the choice between using a pronoun or some other referring expression.
Contributor(s): Naomi FeldmanNon-ARHU Contributor(s): Naho Orita, Eliana Vornov, Hal Daumé III
Dates:
We propose a language production model that uses dynamic discourse information to account for speakers' choices of referring expressions. Our model extends previous rational speech act models (Frank and Goodman, 2012) to more naturally distributed linguistic data, instead of assuming a controlled experimental setting. Simulations show a close match between speakers' utterances and model predictions, indicating that speakers' behavior can be modeled in a principled way by considering the probabilities of referents in the discourse and the information conveyed by each word.
The role of temporal predictability in semantic expectation: An MEG investigation
Is prediction of an upcoming item improved when its timing is predictable? Maybe yes for vision and audition, but evidently no for language, argue Ellen Lau and Elizabeth Nguyen.
Contributor(s): Ellen LauNon-ARHU Contributor(s): Elizabeth Nguyen
Dates:
Prior research suggests that prediction of semantic and syntactic information prior to the bottom-up input is an important component of language comprehension. Recent work in basic visual and auditory perception suggests that the ability to predict features of an upcoming stimulus is even more valuable when the exact timing of the stimulus presentation can also be predicted. However, it is unclear whether lexical-semantic predictions are similarly locked to a particular time, as previous studies of semantic predictability have used a predictable presentation rate. In the current study we vary the temporal predictability of target word presentation in the visual modality and examine the consequences for effects of semantic predictability on the event-related N400 response component, as measured with magnetoencephalography (MEG). Although we observe robust effects of semantic predictability on the N400 response, we find no evidence that these effects are larger in the presence of temporal predictability. These results suggest that, at least in the visual modality, lexical-semantic predictions may be maintained over a broad time-window, which could allow predictive facilitation to survive the presence of optional modifiers in natural language settings. The results also indicate that the mechanisms supporting predictive facilitation may vary in important ways across tasks and cognitive domains.
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Hyper-active gap filling
Speakers of verb-final languages (German, Japanese) are able to construct rich representations of a clause even before the verb arrives. Akira Omaki and collaborators show that the same is true in verb-medial languages (English, Mandarin).
Non-ARHU Contributor(s): Akira Omaki, Imogen Davidson White, Myles Dakan, Aaron Apple
Dates:
Much work has demonstrated that speakers of verb-final languages are able to construct rich syntactic representations in advance of verb information. This may reflect general architectural properties of the language processor, or it may only reflect a language-specific adaptation to the demands of verb-finality. The present study addresses this issue by examining whether speakers of a verb-medial language (English) wait to consult verb transitivity information before constructing filler-gap dependencies, where internal arguments are fronted and hence precede the verb. This configuration makes it possible to investigate whether the parser actively makes representational commitments on the gap position before verb transitivity information becomes available. A key prediction of the view that rich pre-verbal structure building is a general architectural property is that speakers of verb-medial languages should predictively construct dependencies in advance of verb transitivity information, and therefore that disruption should be observed when the verb has intransitive subcategorization frames that are incompatible with the predicted structure. In three reading experiments (selfpaced and eye-tracking) that manipulated verb transitivity, we found evidence for reading disruption when the verb was intransitive, although no such reading difficulty was observed when the critical verb was embedded inside a syntactic island structure, which blocks filler-gap dependency completion. These results are consistent with the hypothesis that in English, as in verb-final languages, information from preverbal noun phrases is sufficient to trigger active dependency completion without having access to verb transitivity information.
Relation-sensitive retrieval: Evidence from bound variable pronouns
Memory for prior context in language comprehension makes use of nonrelational cues, like "is a noun phrase." But does it also use relational cues, like "c-commands x"? Kush says Yes, with a processing study of bound-variable anaphora.
Non-ARHU Contributor(s): Dave Kush
Dates:
Formal grammatical theories make extensive use of syntactic relations (e.g. c-command, Reinhart, 1983) in the description of constraints on antecedent-anaphor dependencies. Recent research has motivated a model of processing that exploits a cue-based retrieval mechanism in content-addressable memory (e.g. Lewis, Vasishth, & Van Dyke, 2006) in which item-to-item syntactic relations such as c-command are difficult to use as retrieval cues. As such, the c-command constraints of formal grammars are predicted to be poorly implemented by the retrieval mechanism. We tested whether memory access mechanisms are able to exploit relational information by investigating the processing of bound variable pronouns, a form of anaphoric dependency that imposes a c-command restriction on antecedent-pronoun relations. A quantificational NP (QP, e.g., no janitor) must c-command a pronoun in order to bind it. We contrasted the retrieval of QPs with the retrieval of referential NPs (e.g. the janitor), which can co-refer with a pronoun in the absence of c-command. In three off-line judgment studies and two eye-tracking studies, we show that referential NPs are easily accessed as antecedents, irrespective of whether they c-command the pronoun, but that quantificational NPs are accessed as antecedents only when they c-command the pronoun. These results are unexpected under theories that hold that retrieval exclusively uses a limited set of content features as retrieval cues. Our results suggest either that memory access mechanisms can make use of relational information as a guide for retrieval, or that the set of features that is used to encode syntactic relations in memory must be enriched.
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Categorical effects in fricative perception are reflected in cortical source information
Phonetic discrimination is affected by phonological category more for consonants than it is for vowels. But what about fricatives in particular? Sol Lago and collaborators provide evidence from ERF and MEG.
Contributor(s): William IdsardiNon-ARHU Contributor(s): Sol Lago, Mathias Scharinger, Yakov Kronrod
Dates:
Previous research in speech perception has shown that category information affects the discrimination of consonants to a greater extent than vowels. However, there has been little electrophysiological work on the perception of fricative sounds, which are informative for this contrast as they share properties with both consonants and vowels. In the current study we address the relative contribution of phonological and acoustic information to the perception of sibilant fricatives using event-related fields (ERFs) and dipole modeling with magnetoencephalography (MEG). We show that the field strength of neural responses peaking approximately 200ms after sound onset co-varies with acoustic factors, while the cortical localization of earlier M100 responses suggests a stronger influence of phonological categories. We propose that neural equivalents of categorical perception for fricative sounds are best seen using localization measures, and that spectral cues are spatially coded in human cortex.
Agreement attraction in Spanish comprehension
Like speakers of English, speakers of Spanish find certain errors of agreement initially acceptable, despite the richer morphology of the language.
Non-ARHU Contributor(s): Sol Lago, Diego E. Shalom, Mariano Sigman
Dates:
Previous studies have found that English speakers experience attraction effects when comprehending subject–verb agreement, showing eased processing of ungrammatical sentences that contain a syntactically unlicensed but number-matching noun. In four self-paced reading experiments we examine whether attraction effects also occur in Spanish, a language where agreement morphology is richer and functionally more significant. We find that despite having a richer morphology, Spanish speakers show reliable attraction effects in comprehension, and that these effects are strikingly similar to those previously found in English in their magnitude and distributional profile. Further, we use distributional analyses to argue that cue-based memory retrieval is used as an error-driven mechanism in comprehension. We suggest that cross-linguistic similarities in agreement attraction result from speakers deploying repair or error-driven mechanisms uniformly across languages.
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